In the first half of the seventeenth century, Patna was famous not only for the production of raw cotton and manufacture and supply of cotton cloths of various kinds, [1] but also for being an important centre of silk trade. In 1620-21, under orders from the English E.I.C's authorities at Surat, the First Commercial Mission to Patna [2] was organised under Messrs. Hughes and Parker to procure Ambati calicoes and other cotton goods. It was then that Hughes discovered, for the E.I. Company, that Patna and its neighbourhood was a market for silk, skein and manufactured, imported from different parts of Bengal and Orissa and observed that "the two main props which must uphold this (Patna) factory....... were ambati calicoes and raw silk," which could not be provided, in the condition desired by the English E.I. Company, without a "continuance" (continual residence) at Patna. [3]
In order to understand the real significance of this discovery, it is necessary to explain the various extra-Indian and Indian circumstances which influenced the activities of the English traders.
Up to about 1250, large quantities of silk were imported to England, and even in the middle of the fifteenth century, the silk manufactures of England were confined to ribbands, laces etc. Owing to a complaint, made by the silk-women of London to Parliament in 1454, that the competition of foreign imported silk articles was depriving them of their honest employment, several acts were passed under Henry VI, which were followed by others under Edward IV and Henry VII, by which importation of wrought silk articles was prohibited (1454, 1481, 1504). Even in the early sixteenth century, no manufactures of broad silk piece goods were made in England. The foundation of silk manufactures in Southern France with Milanese workmen, and the success of Henry IV of France in extending silk manufactures through workmen from Flanders, stimulated James I in England to propagate silk in England, while the persecution of the French Huguenots and their immigration to England in the reign of Elizabeth had already led to the introduction of the art of weaving silk in England. Very soon the manufacture of raw silk into broad silk goods began and although the efforts of Charles I (about 1629) to acclimatise mulberry trees in England failed, the silk manufactures of England became 'a national object of much importance’ by 1655.[4] To feed this growing silk industry of England, it was necessary to get cheap and good raw silk. As early as 1558 some Persian silk was imported through Russia by Russia or Muscovy Company, but this project was soon dropped. Before the beginning of trade between England and the East Indies, England depended on silk from Turkey [5]. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, serious and expensive efforts were made to secure regular supplies from Persia [6] of which we get numerous references in the English factory records. [7] But the scarcity and dearness of Persian silk, [8] worth 15s. a seer, among other things, induced the English factors at Agra and Masulipatam to attempt to procure raw silk from Bengal in 1618-19. After some futile endeavours it was found by William Methwold (December 7, 1619) that its price would conform to the Company's desires, being about "15 or 16 pagodas per maund" (26 lbs.) or 5s. a lb., while Francis Fettiplace, Robert Hughes and John Parker wrote from Agra (December 15, 1619) that as the Company desired a “great store” of Bengal silk (in long skeins) "at or under 7s. the pound," they would try to get as much as they could. [9]
Thus, considering in the light of the foregoing facts, the attempts of Hughes to secure raw silk from Bengal must be regarded as a bold and imaginative plan, the value of which the E.I.C' s authorities did not fully realise at that time.
Silk cocoons, skein (yarn) and cloths of different varieties were then available at Patna. Raw silk was imported into Patna in large quantities from Murshidabad and (adjacent) Saidabad in Bengal. which was universally considered to be the best variety of unwound silk or serbandy silk (i.e. cocoons). Some idea of the amount of imported raw silk can be formed from the Remonstrantie of the Dutch factor, Pelsaert (1620-26). who observed that Patna yielded “annually 1000 to 2000 mds. Of raw silk.” [10] Though a considerable quantity of raw silk came from Bengal, a certain amount might have been imported from certain other parts of Behar.
In July 1620, the price of serbandy silk at Patna was Rs. 100 gross a maund (of 40 seers, each seer weighing 34% pice). Deducting 25% for the savoye or sawai (an excess of a fourth), the net price would be Rs. 75 a maund. This included a brokerage of ½ % from the buyer and 1 % from the seller. Pelsaert wrote that the best raw silk available at Patna sold (evidently at Agra) at 16 or 17 mohurs a maund (of 50 lbs. i.e. an Akbari md. of about 55 lbs. avoir). This would come to Rs. 10 to 120, taking a mohur equivalent to Rs. 7. On November 14, 1632, Mundy observed that raw silk could be procured much better and cheaper elsewhere.[11]
Serbandy silk was wound into skeins of various sorts. In 1620 Hughes despatched 'musters' or samples of these to Agra, for being sent after inspection, to Surat.
No. 1-two skeins of the first and second sorts (1 coved long), demanded by the E.I. Company and provided by the English at Agra. The price of these two sorts at Patna was then Rs. 5-8-0 gross a seer (of 34 ½ pice weight) and deducting a discount (Kessure, Kasar, distury) of 17%, Rs. 4-4-0 net.
No. 2-two skeins of the third and fourth sorts, usually purchased by the English in Agra, "not wound of aparte, for want of time." The price of these two sorts at Patna was then Rs. 4-4-0 gross a seer and deducting the discount, Rs. 3-9-0 net.
Commenting on the cheapness of the Patna price, as compared to that at Agra, Hughes wrote to Surat (12th July 1620): "These are their present prices, between which and that we buy in Agra. You will receive a great difference in price for these four sorts, to say, one-third of the sort No. 1 and two-thirds of the sort No. 2 cost us together in Agra about Rs. 5-12-0 net the seer (or 30 pice), while here half the one and half the other may be bought for about Rs. 4 net the seer (of 34 ½ pice weight) and I am promised at about these rates to have (them) delivered in from the silk-winders 10 or 15 mds. a month.........and doubtless a greater quantity thereof may be procured, but then we must venture out some money beforehand, which I resolve upon, finding sufficient security for performance; and hereupon have advised them at Agra to desist further in its investments there, which per computation is at least 35% dearer than here it may be bought."[12]
After sending the musters of Bengal skein silk, Hughes made furtherenquiries into the matter, which led him to try a unique experiment in winding skein silk from 'serbandy' or cocoons. He found that the sale of skein silk was a monopoly of the Governor, and it had to be purchased through the local kotwal or town magistrate as the Nawab's agent, at rates 25% 37 ½ % higher than what the kotwal had paid to the dealers, though the quality was not good. Hence he purchased a maund of serbandy for trial and had it wound into seven sorts of skeins. Four of these (second, third, fourth, and fifth) would sell at Rs. 4-4-0 net the seer (of 34 ½ pice weight), including all charges of winding (from 5 as. to 6 as. a seer); of the other three, the first would be sold in ready money at Rs. 4-9-0; the sixth at Rs. 1-8-0, and the seventh at Rs. 0-14-6 a seer. [12a]
Hughes concluded that the cheapest and surest course would be to buy the serbundy and to get it wound on behalf of the Company, which process was expected to meet the exact requirements of the Company. He purchased 6 maunds of serbandy and started a karkhana (filature, winding house) with 30 silk-winders as an experiment. Encouraged by its results he increased the number to 100 and intended to employ 200 or 300, working for the whole year if the scheme and the price would be approved of by the Surat authorities.
So samples of the seven sorts of wound silk were sent by him to Surat via Agra (August 1620): but the Agra authorities, on being instructed from the Surat council, discouraged the scheme (September). This naturally led Hughes to moderate and practically suspend his silk operations. But as he had already given advance money to the winders, which could not be recalled, it was impossible to close the filature suddenly. Hence, in order to avoid loss and work up the advance money, he proposed to have wound 10 or 12 maunds of serbandy at the most.
But he remained confident and optimistic of the commercial benefits of his scheme and wrote back to Agra that the sample he would send would “confirm its future provision, its price being considered.” On November 11, 1620, he wrote to Surat that owing to a recent fall in the price of serbandy silk, he would be able to supply wound silk threads at a better rate than before, and that with the proceeds of a sale of English goods to the Nawab, he had purchased about 10 mids, of serbandy silk and re-started its winding, for which he demanded some monetary help. So late as March 31, 1621, we find him engaged in the purchase and winding of 30 mds. of serbandy (at Rs. 70-80 a md.) and appealing to Agra for permission and pecuniary help to persist in the investment[13]. Hughes maintained his optimism till the last. Even only a month before the dissolution of the Patna factory, he wrote to the Company that the supply of 1621 would be better and cheaper than last year's and would "yield in England expected profit." [14]
Another scheme of Hughes was to convert a part of the skein silk to Hoss or sleave silk (or silk thread, capable of being separated into smaller filaments for use in embroidery). From his letter of August 6, 1620, we know that Hughes proposed to dye and dress some of the coarse varieties of serbandy silk into sleave silk, for profitable investment in England. The process would involve a loss of 25% in weight and cost about 5 annas a seer. The price of ordinary floss silk was Rs. 2-2 seer (? 33 ½ pice weight). Floss silk was generally made out of shikasta and katwai skeins, dyed in several colours, and in the provisions for England sent to Surat on trial in 1620, there was a small bale of sleave silk, prepared from Katwai, except one skein of a "Watchet” (pale blue) which was produced from shikasta. This sample was, however, much inferior in quality to what might have been provided at Patna in large quantities. Best floss silk, dressed and dyed in several colours, would cost Rs. 4 net a seer (of 33 ½ pice weight). [15]
Hughes was, however, conscious of the difficulties involved in making silk investments, and probably it is these difficulties which led the authorities to discourage his experimental scheme. In the first place, wound silk [16] was not available at Patna in the condition desired by the E.I. Company, as the silk dealers were so poor and beggarly that they could not supply goods without dadan (advance money) and even with it they did not give any guarantee for supply. Consequently, the English factors did not follow the practice of dadan.
In the second place, the silk wound in the Company's filature at Patna did not turn out to be as good as in Agra and Lahore, where there was tradition for such work, in which Patna was lacking, the art being newly introduced there by Hughes.[17] Hence Hughes thought (January 31, 1621) that it would probably, in the ultimate analysis, be more advisable to have the silk wound at Agra, from the original serbandy, available there in ‘thousands of maunds'. But as the serbandy available at Agra was dearer than that at Patna or in Bengal, Hughes suggested to the Surat authorities that if they were induced, by the samples he had sent, to think of drawing large provisions in silk, the cheapest and most advantageous course would be to get the serbandy at the source i.e. at Murshidabad, "which would be worth both labour and charge", for assuredly there it might "be provided in infinite quantities at least twenty per cent cheaper than in any other place of India, and of the choicest stuff, wound of into what condition" the Company required it, as it came from the worm, and where were also "innumerable silk winders, expert workmen and labour cheaper, by a third than elsewhere." [18] Consequently the Patna factors "ventured" to make another experiment,--to invest Rs. 500) in attempting, to procure the abundant cheap samples of silk, from Murshidabad, though they admitted that it was done "rather for experience of that place than the necessity thereof". [19]
Thirdly, unforeseen variations in prices was one of the reasons why the silk experiments were not approved of by the Company's authorities. Thus, on March 3, 1621, Hughes regretted that the raw silk sent to Agra for sale was in "so little esteem" but he was not surprised at it, as, after its despatch, the original (serbandy) had fallen in price by almost 30%. So the Patna factors preferred selling the shikasta a rupee a net a seer, as offered to them locally, to “troubling" the Agra factors with it; but they decided to "detain" the katwai and gird (garad?) varieties till the sanction of his superiors. On April 11, 1621, Hughes again wrote to the Agra authorities that he would abide by their directions about the disposal of the coarse varieties of wound silk, provided therewere no hopes for selling them at Agra at better rates (including the transport and incidental charges). But there had been again a change in the price and as the serbandy had fallen lay 25% in price, the silk could be wound much cheaper than before. It appears further from this letter that the Agra price was a factor which determined whether the silk experiment in Patna was to be continued or not. Thus Hughes enquired of the prices of raw silk in Agra: - "In your next, I pray advise us of their (coarse sorts of wound silk) true value with you, for thereby will we govern ourselves either or its detention or sale here, for by merchants that purposely come from Agra to make their provisions in these sorts we are informed that Agra vends great quantities thereof and at much better rates than here it can be sold”. [20]
In the fourth place, lack of sufficient and timely supply of funds was one of the standing difficulties of the English Company's factors in pursuing their schemes of investments in silk and cotton. On November 11, 1620, Hughes wrote to the Surat authorities that the maximum amount of serbandy, fit for England, he could provide was 30 mds. a month and this would require a good supply of money so that the factors would be continually "in employment" (occupied); but that he could easily supply 300 mds. a year at Rs. 4/a seer (of 33 ½ pice weight). He estimated that at least Rs. 50,000 would be required for accomplishing the provision of that amount. But, although the authorities approved of the schemes for a year and promised to send a "speedy supply of money" for making investments in silk and calicoes, there are clear references to show that such promises remained unredeemed and that the Company's Patna factors had repeatedly to appeal for pecuniary help; sometimes to Agra and sometimes to Surat. On December 22, 1620, they informed Agra that want of money had reduced them to idleness. Loss of about four months' time, caused by 'want of means', was also referred to in a letter to Surat, dated January 30, 1621, and as the provisions must be despatched by May before the rains, the time at the disposal of the Patna factors was very short. A letter of Hughes and Parker to the Company, dated August 14, 1621, clearly shows that the Surat authorities themselves were placed in various financial difficulties, due to the late arrival of the fleet from England in 1620, and other causes, which stood in their way of sending the promised money to Patna before March 1621. Agra sent the first supply of funds in bills of exchange for Rs. 5000/- (in February 1621) and future supplies amounting to Rs. 32,000 in all, came in driblets. [21]
This deficiency in financial equipment was sought to be made good by the Patna factors by employing the proceeds of sale at Patna (i) of diverse “brayed” (damaged) goods, sent from Agra, for Rs. 4000," and (ii) of English goods to the local Nawab. [23] They expected a further supply of funds after the return of last year's ships from the Red Sea voyage.[24] It may therefore be inferred that such financial stringency of the Company's authorities at Surat led them to discourage the Patna factory.
A new light on the dissolution of the Patna factory is thrown by the letter of the Surat factors to the Company dated November 7, 1621, which runs as follows: "Your prohibition of Bengalia silke we have made knowne; as also of your desires of more than three or four thousand pieces amberta cloth yearly. Whereby we have also dissolved the factorie of Puttana, and will write to Masulipatan that they proceed noe further in providing Bengala silke, although we finde their prices to agree with your desires". [25]
In the light of all these details, we need not exaggerate the influence of the unfavourable prices of Bengal silk due to charges of transport and the cost of the factory,[26] on the dissolution of the Patna factory, though it must be admitted that the Company regarded the attempt from their own point of view to be uncommercial in character. This consideration also led Peter Mundy to disapprove of the idea of establishing a factory at Patna in 1632. But these should not lead one to belittle the importance of Patna as a commercial centre.
We cannot say how far the experiments, if logically followed, would have been successful, but the triple scheme of silk-winding, converting skein into floss silk, and finding raw silk at Murshidabad came to an abrupt close, as the Patna factory was discouraged and ultimately dissolved. The orders of the Surat Council for the dissolution of the factory, to be effected as early as possible, compelled the Patna factors to stop further provisions of Bengal silk and wind up their business with the silk winders. Referring to the silk experiments of the First Commercial Mission to Patna and the reasons of their failure, Pelsaert (1627) observes: "Formerly the English had a factory at Patna for the purchase of raw silk, but, owing to heavy losses, the trade has been discontinued, for 6 or 7 years, and does not appear likely to be resumed; besides they are now getting Persian silk at a more reasonable price.” [27]
Silk manufactures, available at Patna, may be classified under two heads, viz., (i) those imported from outside and (ii) those produced locally or in the neighbourhood and exported outside.
Among imported silk, manufactures were imports from Lower Bengal -Satgaon quilts and Tasar silk goods. The Satgaon quilts seem to be what we call “down quilts" now. It is generally known that their use in European countries is derived from the Orient. But there are clear references in the Patna-Surat and Surat-Agra factory correspondence of this period which show that Bengal had a share in setting the fashion for using such quilts in Europe and other parts of India. Silk quilts were not made at Patna but brought “from the bottom of Bangala." On 12th July 1620, Hughes wrote to the Surat authorities that he would provide some quilts of Sutgonge (Satgaon), prepared with yellow silk, at "reasonable rates”. By that date, he had already secured ten such quilts and had been promised more daily as they would come to the town. This expected supply did not come, for, on 3rd September 1620, Hughes’s supply of Satgaon quilts had not exceeded a dozen. However, he trimmed them up with silk fringe, tassells, feathers, etc., and lined them partly with taffeta and partly with tasar. He did not want to send more in 1620 unless he had definite orders of approval from the Surat authorities. All these quilts despatched were brought "at such reasonable rates” that Hughes expected a good muzera (or profit). Further, he suggested to the Company (30th November 1620) chat if these samples would be approved of and find a good market in England, then they might be provided annually in large numbers. Any other kind of quiltwas not available at Patna. [28]
In their letter of March 16, 1619, Thomas Kerridge and others at Surat enclosed directions to the Agra factors regarding the supply of Bengal quilts. In some the lining and upper part were to be of one kind of chintz: in others, they were to be of different chintzes such that either side might be used: the sides of some were to be of one colour, but their borders (1 coved long) were to be of different colours, and they were to hang by the bed-side on all sides alike. The Surat factors observed that the last variety was “most used in India" and considered that it would be "most pleasing in England," provided they were made a little thicker and stronger stitched than the ordinary varieties, for durability. They further remarked; "Lawne quiltes wee do”[29] conceave soe fitt for England as if they were of semianoe, amberttes or Sahume cloth, which will be much more lastinge, stichte with birdes (feathers), beastes (furs) or worke very thicke, such as used by the Mores instead of carpitts. Of this sorte there comes, itt seemes, from Bengala. His Lordship had three or four which he bought as lasker, stichte with cullered silk, that will (give) good contente in England; and wee doubt not, by bespeakinge, you will procure them to be made of such sizes as the companies letter doth mencion.”
The trade in Satgaon quilts carried on at Patna seems to have existed quite independently of the activities of the English factors and throws light on the standard of life and comfort at that time. It must have had its basis either in local needs of Patna or in the demand of other traders, Indian or European, for needs elsewhere. For, we find that even after the failure of the First Commercial Mission of the English in Patna (1620-1), the trade in this article continued, and Peter Mundy (II, 156) mentioned among the names of sundry commodities available in Patna, “Bengal quilts from Sategame" (Satgaon).
Tasar is a kind of coarse or inferior, dark coloured silk, prepared from tasar worms. From time immemorial, the people of Bengal and other adjacent provinces have got a considerable supply of this silk, which is woven into dhooties or other goods, and exported outside. The Italian traveller Cæsari dei Federici mentioned tasar silk as “erba" or "herba" (1565), while a later usage of the word denotes a fabric of silk and cotton. Thus in the Ain-i-Akbari, we read of tasar selling at Rs. 1/3 to Rs. 2, a piece. In 1620-21 the tasar (tussore) silk goods were described as being of "half silk, half cotton.” Hughes quickly observed the value of such tasar goods, which were imported to Patna at the rate of 40 or 50 corge" (score) (800 or 1,000 pieces) every year from Lower Bengal. So he invested Rs. 400 in them on trial; but the attempt did not succeed, and it was left to Streynsham Master to start the trade in that valuable commodity in 1679 [30].
From Malda in North Bengal, three varieties of silk-goods came to Patna (1632): [31]
(a) Ornees or Orhnis, or women's veils, ornamented with silk and gold. 16 coveds long.
(b) Ballabands or balaband, turban band, wrought with silk and gold, 3 coveds long.
(c) Alachah or Ellachas, a silk striped stuff or silk cloths with a wavy pattern running lengthwise, 16 coveds long. Abul Fazl refers to Alchah or alachah, also called Tarhdars, meaning a kind of corded stuff, priced at 1/5 to 2 Rs. a yard.
From Sherpur (Sherpur Murcha, or Serrpore Mercha) in Bogra district, which in the 17th century was noted for its Tasar silk, there came to Patna a very thin variety of coloured silk cloth. (Tiffany or Taffeta), manufactured there, called Ambar or Jettalees, or variegated, spotted or striped piece goods used for female apparel, (4 x 7/8 coved) (1632). [32]From Orissa, came to Patna varieties of linen, called Ambarees (canopy) and chareconnaes or charkhanas, or chequered muslin, which were striped with white silk, 16 coveds long and 1 broad.[33]Probably the best variety of silk goods, available at Patna was what Mundy calls by the name of "Curtabees or Aghabanees." The late Sir Richard Carnac Temple took them to mean Cuttanees (Katani, the finest linen) or Atchabanees (Achchabani, fine fabric or fine silk thread). They refer to a fine cloth, embroidered with silk, silver and gold, flowers, and spotted, 4 coveds long.[34]Regarding the second group of manufactures, produced locally or in the neighbourhood, I have not yet found any reference to silk goods manufactured at Patna in the early 17th century; but Baikunthpur, described to be about 10 miles east of Patna, seemed to have been an important centre of silk manufacture, producing, "in infinite quantities," what were called Baikunthpur alachah and tuckrees or becutpoorees, both intended for being used as women's petticoats.
Speaking of the Baikunthpur alachahs, Hughes informed the Surat authorities on August 6, 1620, that he had invested some money in "Bicuntpoore layches," purchasing 320 pieces, at 12, 10, 16 rupees a score (of 20) (i.e. at prices varying from 8 as. to 13 as. each). Taking Rs. 13 as the average price for a score, the sum invested would amount to about Rs. 210. Being about 5 ¼ coveds long and somewhat more than ¾ broad" ( i.e. about 5 ½ yds. * 27 in.) they were regarded as of fit lengths for petticoats. They were generally purchased by the “Mogolles” (Mughal traders) for Persia (i.e. for petticoats of Persian ladies). Hughes was confident that on account of their cheap price, these would “doubtless sell in England to good profit," and so sent some patterns of these to Surat in 1620, adding that they could be made to order. In 1632 Peter Mundy referred to tuckrees or becutpoorees, a variety of silk petticoats for women; these were thin, striped silk stuffs, 4 coveds long and 7/8 broad, also manufactured at Baikunthpur. [35]
Certain details about the distribution and organisation of the silk trade at Patna in the early part of the 17th century are available. Patna was then a meeting place of merchants of different nationalities, the Portuguese, the Armenians, the Mughals, the Pathans, the Persians and the Praychaes or East Bengal traders, besides the English factors and there was a cosmopolitan sarai (Saif Khan's sarai) for the benefit of these traders. There was possibly a local consumption of the imported silk cloths in Patna, while some amount of raw silk must have been utilized at Baikunthpur. As no purchaser could be found at Patna, the coarse silk was sent to Agra (May 1621). Merchants from Agra used to come to Patna for purchasing Bengal silk. A considerable portion of it was consumed inGujrat especially at Ahmedabad, where brocades and flowered silk were woven; only a small amount was used in Agra. Thus, on October 6, 1620, the Patna factors sent a bale of silk containing gird, katwai and shikasta varieties, for sale in Agra. But a part of this silk must have flowed to Surat where carpets of silk or of silk and gold and silver thread were manufactured. Sleave silk was expected to have a market in England. Manufactured silk goods were partly sold in Agra and exported to England and Persia. The 'Mughal’ merchants generally purchased the Baikunthpur alachahs and tukris, for being used as petticoats by Persian ladies, and the English factors of the First Commercial Mission expected that they would prove a very profitable investment in England also for similar uses. The Satgaon quilts were lined with taffeta (silk) or tasar and given silk fringes and tassels for the English market. [36]
Some idea of the amount of silk goods and raw silk, provided by the English factors in 1620-21 may be gathered from the following figures. The silk provisions for 1620 (collected from August to October) included 12 scores (i.e. 240 pieces) of Tussar, 22 quilts of Satgaon, 334 pieces of Baikunthpur alachah, 270 ½ seers (i.e. about 7 mds. of Bengal silk), and Malda wares for Persia, worth Rs. 600. In May 1621, the Patna factors sent to Agra 13 bales of Bengal silk, 6 of which contained 18 mds. 12 seers of wound skein silk (1 yard long), as desired by the Company's authorities, the rest containing coarse varieties for sale in Agra. Owing to discouragement, the silk provisions for 1621 were not expected to exceed 25 mds. of varieties useful for England, as against the directions to purchase 100 maunds of Bengal silk. [37].
As already noted above, the sale of skein silk was a monopoly of the Governor, and merchants had to buy it through the Kotwal in Patna, at rates 25%-37% higher than what the Kotwal paid to the dealers. [38]
The trade in silk was complicated as in the case of the cotton trade ‘by the system of dealing’. There was a business discount of 25% on settling amounts. Thus the gross price of Serbandy silk was Rs. 100 a md., but after deducting the 'Savoye', sawai or 25%, the net price was about Rs. 75. Moreover, there was a legal brokerage. [As Hughes wrote to Surat (12th July 1620) that the brokerage on serbandy silk and all other sorts of silk was, “by the Nabab's command," "but 5 annas of a rupye per cent from the buyer and 10 annyes from the seller," but that the brokers usually took “one-half percent from the buyer and one per cent from the seller."|Further there was a discount (Kessure or Kasar and distury) of 17% which was deducted from the price of skein silk. [39]
Variations in weight increased the difficulties in dealing. The weight of the seer varied from 30 pice at Agra to 33 ½ and 34 ½ pice at Patna. [40] Such variations also existed in other trades at that time.
The correspondence of the Patna factors throws some incidental but interesting light on some aspects of the economic life of Patna at that time.
(i)We note in the first place the adverse influences exerted by high administrative officers. Muqarrab Khan 'a liberal purchaser (of Company's goods) and a good paymaster,' was succeeded by Prince Parviz, Jahangir's second son, as Governor of Behar (in 1621). But Patna proved "too narrow" a place for his entertainment, and he "liberally bestowed" on his "great retinue”, the abodes of the inhabitants and merchants.[41] The English factors were put to great hardships, and they had to wander about for sheltering themselves and their goods from the inclemencies of weather (the time being May-June and the rains being in excess). After some difficulties, they succeeded “through the help of Mr Monye” (i.e. by paying a high price) in placing the silk winders in a house, but they wrote to Agra (June 2, 1621) that they could not send an additional supply of investments. [42]
(ii)Secondly the silk dealers were so “poor and beggarly” that they could not furnish goods without advance money, and even, if given, they could not guarantee the supply. [43]
(iii)In the third place, the fact that Hughes gave advance money to the silk winders to work in the Company’s karkhanas throws some light on their economic position. Possibly they were unwilling and had to be given some material inducements to work in the Company’s factories; but since the Patna factors nowhere allude to the unwillingness of the workers, it may be that the winders insisted on prior payment. This would tend to show that the system of begar or forced labour or ill-paid labour as referred to by Pelsaert [44] and Bernier [45] had already set in and the workers wanted to save their position by taking advance wages.
References
1 I have discussed the details relating to these in my article on 'The Cotton Trade of Patna in early 17th century.' IHQ., XII, No. 4, 1936.
2 Indian Antiquary (henceforth abbreviated as IA.), XLIII, 1914; Travels of Peter Mundy. (henceforth abbreviated as TPM.), II, Appendix D.
3 Letters of 30th November 1620; 14th August 1621; 14. XLIII, 83, 108.
The English E.I.C's connection with Bengal silk commenced as early as 1618.
Foster, English Factories, (henceforth abbreviated as FEF.). 1618-21, p. x See 'The Silk Industry in Bengal in the days of the John Company by Abdul Ali, Bengal Past and Present, XXIX, Pt. 1, Serial no. 57; Jan-March, 1925, pp. 30 ff.
4 Milburn, Oriental Commerce, (henceforth abbreviated as MOC), II, 244 ff.
5 Other sources were Persia, Syria, Sayd (Saida). Beyrout.
6 Ibid., The Czar had become less favourable to the English traders in the reign of Elizabeth. The Co. was denounced in the Commons Report (1604) as a most shameful monopoly and by 1615 the trade was practically extinct. Cunningham, Growth of English Industry Commerce, Mod-Times, Pt. I, 240.
7 Foster, English Factories. See also Peter Van Den Broecke in JIH., X, 235-50: XI, 203-18.
8 Due probably to:
(1) the organisation of the silk industry of Persia being a royal monopoly (Moreland, Akbar to Aurangzeb, henceforth abbreviated as MAA., 40) and the refusal of Shah Abbas to bind himself to a fixed price for silk.
(2) Perso-Portuguese conflicts. FEF., 1618-21, Introduction, xxv ff.).
(3) competition of the Levant & the E. I. Companies. Cunningham, op. cit., 254.
and (iv) rivalry between Persia and Turkey.
9 FEF., 1618-21, 46, 52, 127, 153, 161. MAA., 330. Thomas Munn wrote that the selling price of Persian silk in England was 20s. and further "1629., From the regular supply of raw silk, which was now received from India, amounting to near £100,000 per annum, and the demand for silk goods inLondon, the silk manufacture was much extended." MOC., II, p. 247
10 Serbandy or Sirbandi, head winding or, cocoon, usually called koya, pilah Carnac Temple's note, fn. IA., XLIII, 70-71; TPM., II, 155-56, 371; FEF., 1618-21, 194n; Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzeb's Reign (henceforth abbreviated as SAR.), 279; Jahangir's India (henceforth abbreviated as JI.), 7.
11 IA., XLIII, 70-71. Hughes and Parker at Agra sold ‘the best of the silk from Patna at 5/4 rupees the seer which was 15% more than it cost.' (Letter to Surat, January 3, 1622); FEF., 1622-23, p. 9: JI., 7. & fn, TPM., II, 151.
Rs. 4 10
12 Letter of July 12, 1620. IA., XLIII, 70-71. I have tried to give a modern form to the old English of Hughes. Cf. the letter of November 30, 1620: "Samples of raw silk sent. They can provide it cheaper than in Agra by 30 per cent, viz., Rs 4 5/16 the seer of 33 ½ pice (which scare is neare about 1 ½ pounds English or haber depoiz)’ against Rs. 5 ¾ the seer of 30 pice in Agra." FEF., 1618-21, 213.
12a For the proportion of the seven sorts of silk vide IA., XLIII, 73-4, 81, also FEF, 1618-21, 217. The approximate profit would be 450%-500% on the outlay involved.
13 Hughes to Surat, (6th August, 11th November, 1620); Hughes to Agra (3rd September,1620); IA., XLIII, 73-4, 75, 79, 81, 82, 99, 108; FEF., 1618-21, 198, 204. "The silk wound of (f) you will perveave to falle out in price as formerly advised, and by us expected. For its future provision wee shall not be overhastye, onlye worke out our money delivered the silk winders, wherein their can be no losse
But gayne in its present sayle here" (Letter of October 6, 1620; I1A., 78).
14 IA., XLIII, 108.
15 Ibid., 73-74, 74 n. 78, 81. "The crimson is dyed in Lack, and all the rest of the colleres carrarye" (karari, firm, stable, fast, ingrain.) (Letter, 6th October 1620, IA.: 78); FEF., 1618-21, 199 n., 204.
16 The customary length of Bengal skeins was 1 coved of 33 ½ to 40" but for the purposes of the English market, Hughes made it 1 yard. TPM., II, App. D.
17 Manucci (II, 83-84) writes that ‘besides cloth of cotton, much fine silk’ was woven at Patna. The development of silk weaving industry at Patna remains yet to be written.
18 Letter of Hughes and Parker to Surat, January 31, 1621, IA, XLIII, 97-98; FEF., 1618-21, 229-30.
I.H.Q., JUNE, 1939
19 Letter to Agra, April 11, 1621, ibid., 102. The time of journeying to Murshidabad and back was two months then.
20 IA., XLIII, 99, 102; FEF., 1618-21, 236, 253.
21 IA., XLIII, 81, 107; FEF., 1618-21, 204, 217, 229-30.
22 This shows that Patna was used as a dumping ground of Agra for some articles.
23 Nawab Muqarrab Khan had a great passion for English goods. On the subject of the weakness of the aristocracy and high officers for European novelties or "toys," which had a great political and commercial bearing, see MAA., 68-71.
24 IA., XLIII, 107. Regarding the supplies of treasure from the Red Sea trade, see Moreland, op. cet., 38-39, 64 etc.
25 FEF., 1618-21, 327. For failure of supply of Bengal silk at Masulipatam due to Portuguese competition, see lbid., 264.
26 Ibid., Intro. xxiii, IHRC., 1930, XIII, 163.
27 Letter to Surat, August 3, 1621; IA., XLIII, 105; FEF., 1618-21, 258; JI., 7. I intend later on to give details on the interesting subject of the development of the trade in Persian silk. In November 1619 the Persian Shah gave a farman granting the sole trade in silks by the sea route to the English. FEF., 1618-21, Intro. Xxviii.
28 As a matter of fact 22 such quilts were' sent. IA., XLIII, 71, 75, 77, 82, 82n, 83; FEF., 1618-21, 126 n; 195 198; TPM., II, 372-73. The word “Muzera" is either masarrat in Persian, ‘joy', or preferably Persian ‘mazra,' lit. 'a place of seed produce and hence used unmistakably to mean produce or profit. FEF., 1618-21, 84-5, 235, 250.
29 Sir William Foster puts a (not ?) in bracket between 'do' and 'conceave,' but that does not fit in the context and sense of the passage. See my article it IHQ., XII, No. 4 for an explanation of terms like semianoe, amberttes, sahume.
30 Moc., 303, II, 244; Hobson-Jobson, 720-21; Watt, Commercial Products, 1002 ff; Dictionary of Econ. Products of India, Vol. VI. Pt III. 98 ff., IA., XXIX, 339-40; Blochman, I, 94: Letters of 6th August and 11th November, 1620, 1A.. XLIII, 73-4, 8r: 73n; TPM., II, 362-3; Diaries of Streynsham Master (henceforth abb. as DSM.). I, 112, 136; II, 299n: Bowrey, The Countries around the Bay of Bengal, 162n. The word 'erba' or 'herba incans grass, and from a false etymology, it led to a belief that tassar goods were made from some kind of grass and not silk. DSM., I, 136. In 1676 Hugli and Balasore were important centres of production of Tasar or Herba goods. Hedges, II, ccxxix, ccxl; DSM., I, 54: II, 81, 82, 84-5. SAR., 279-80; FEF.. 1618-21, 112.
31 TPM., II, 155; FEF., 1630-33.4n; Blocliman, I, 91n., 94. Malda (Maulda) was variously known in the latter part of the 17th century as English Bazar, Angrezabud. and Engishavad; DSM., I, 25, 26, 398n. The word Alachah probably means a stuff from Turkistan called in Turki alchah, ala;ah. Hobson-Jobson, sv. Alleja, p. 8.
32 Jettalees may be a corruption of chital, variegated, spotted or striped. TPM., II, 155-6n; Sherpur Murcha described by Peter Mundy as "100 course eastwards" has been identified with Sherpur in Bogra district. It was different from Sherpur in Mymensingh and it was not a port, as mentioned by Peter Mundy. Carnac Temple's note in TPM., II, 152; DSM., I, 482; II, 299: Streynham Master described Ghoraghat as a centre of Tasar or Eri cloth manufacture and Sherpur a place where the "worms are kept as silkworms." (op. cit).33 Ambari is a vulgar form of amari, a canopy of an elephant or camel howda. Abul Fazl mentions
Among silkcloths Anbari, selling at 4d. to ½ R., a yd. Blochmann, I, 94
34 TPM., II, 155-6. The word Kuttan in Persian means flax or linen cloth, Hobson-Jobson, S. V. Cuttanee, 224. Kitan seems to be a Persian cloth. It was so thin and delicate that "it tears when the moon shines on it." Abul Fazl mentions among silk cloths (i) Qutni or stuff made of silk and wool, @1 ½ R. to 2 R. a piece, (ii) Katan, from Europe, ½ to 1 R. a yard. Blochmann, I, 94n.
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35 IA., XLIII, 73-4. Both Hughes and Mundy locate Baikunthpur 10 miles east of Patna, but the Orme Mss. India, XVII, 4699 gives it as 15 miles from Patna; TPM., II, 155 n. The road map of Patna Dt. shows a place,Baikatpur (north of Khusrupur) about 22 m. from Golghur, Patna. The word Turki means silk for women's petticoats but the Tuckryes or short baftas of Ahmedabad appear to have been cotton goods being included in linen investments. FEF., 1621-23, 68.
36 My article on 'The Cotton Trade of Patna in the early 17th century in IHQ. XII, No. 4, 1936. 656-660; SAR., 279; IA., XLIII, 73-4, 78, 81, 102; FEF., 1618-21, 198, 253, 256; JI., 7; TPM., II, 373.
The Dutch opened the Japanese market to Bengal raw silk (1641-1653). MAA., 66, Investment for silk was ordered in England in 1648.
37 Letters of October 6, 1620, and August 14, 1621; IA., XLIII, 77, 107-8.
38 This throws some new light on Kotwal's functions. He was of course expected to regulate prices, but here he was acting as the agent of the Governor who had a monopoly in the sale of skein silk.
39 Letter of July 12, 1620; IA., XLIII, 70-1. It is difficult to state definitely as the late Sir Richard Carnac Temple has done, that this discount of 17% referred to the commission of the Governor.
40 lbid., TPM, II, 371-2.
41 Cf. the billeting of soldiers on private houses in England about the same period. See Jahangir's Edicts. Rogers & Beveridge, Jahangir's Memoirs.42 IA., XLIII, 104; FIF., 1618-21, 256: Travels of P. Della Valle. I, p. 57. An earlier misfortune which befell the Patna factors was a fire which occurred in the Company's factory at Alamganj (March 24, 1621). Except for the account books and the money, everything else was destroyed, including the proportion of the silk taken and the portion of the silk, that had been wound off and the cocoons still lying in the tanks. IA., XLIII, 101n.
43 Vide ante.
44 JI., 60-1.
45 Constable, 228, 255 6. See also Sarkar, Mughal Administration.