Published in Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol. 14 (1951): pp. 343-352.
Of all the Rajput dynasties ruling in Northern India during the first half of the 13th century of the Christian era, the Guhilots of Mewar under their ruler Rawal Jaitra Singh alone represented fully the independent spirit of the Hindus who would not submit once for all to the foreign domination of the Turks. Jaitra Singh ruled at least from [1] 1213 to 1256 A.D., but the history of the reign of this remarkable prince for want of historical material remained more or less obscure so much so that even his name was unknown to the bards as well as to Col. Tod and Kaviraj Shyamaldas, the pioneer writers of our times. On the basis of inscriptional data brought to light recently we propose to give here a brief survey of his foreign policy and an estimate of his military achievements.
Iltutmish’s Defeat at the Hands of Rawal Jaitra Singh
It may be recalled here that since the event of Rawal Samant Singh’s (c. 1174-92) defeat and expulsion from Mewar at the hands of Kitu Chauhan, a feudatory chief of Bhima Deva II of Gujarat, Mewar passed under the subjugation of the Solankis and the rulers of Mewar from Kumar Singh to Padam Singh continued to rule as vassals of Bhima Deva II. But in the early of his rule Jaitra Singh seems to have shook off the allegiance to the Solankis of Gujarat most probably during the confusion that prevailed in that kingdom after ruler Bhima Deva’s discomfitures at the hands of the Turkish general Qutubuddin when most of his nobles and feudatories usurped his power. And though Bhima Deva continued to be king of Baghela chieftain Lavan Prasad and his son Vir Dhaval of Dholka. Not only the Guhilots of Mewar but other rulers of the south-west Rajputana viz., Dharavarsa of Abu, Udai Singh of Jalor and Nadol and Som Singh in Marwar also regained their independence. Even the Parmars of Malwa to avenge their former defeats, about these very times begin attacking Gujarat under Raja Subhatvarma and his successors. Such were the affairs in the declining kingdom of Gujarat when it was simultaneously invaded by Singhan, the Yadava Raja of Deogiri from the south, by the Musalman forces of Delhi from the north and by Devapala, the Parmar ruler of Malwa from the east. The occasion proved most critical for Lavan Prasad, Bhima’s powerful general and chief minister and his son Vir Dhaval, who were then the virtual rulers of the Solanki kingdom. How this great calamity on Gujarat was averted forms the theme of a historical drama, ‘Hammirmadmardanam’, composed by Jaya Singh Suri, a Jain Acharya of Broach. [2]
In this work we get a clear evidence for the statement that in the early part of his reign Rawal Jaitra Singh of Mewar, an independent ruler, had to face a terrible attack of the Muslim army of a Delhi Sultan, who intended to invade Gujarat by this route. The third Act of this drama gives the following story:
King Vir Dhaval of Gujrat is anxious to get the news about Hammir (i.e. Amir or Sultan of Delhi), who was to begin hostilities against the Mewar king Jayatala (i.e. Jaitra Singh) who priding himself on the strength of his own sword had not joined (i.e. Vir Dhaval). Then enters the spy Kamalaka, who relates how the whole of Mewar was burnt by the soldiers of the enemy and how people were filled with dismay by the entrance of ruthless ‘Malechha’ warriors into the capital and the people through terror preferred to die at their own hands. Kamalaka further says that he being unable to bear the sight, announced that Vir Dhaval was coming with his forces to save the people. Hearing this the ‘Turuska’ warriors were seized with panic and fled away. [3]
It is clear from this narrative that the Muslim army on its way to Gujarat entered Mewar, devastated a part of the state and even attacked its capital Nagda. But the initial advantages of the Muslims did not prove lasting and soon they had to take recourse to flight. Kamalaka, no doubt, represents the brave repute of his own king as the factor that inspired terror in the invaders’ heart and thus ascribed the victory to Vir Dhaval and not to Jaitra Singh who in fact opposed and dispersed the Turkish forces of the Delhi Sultan. But as Jaya Singh Suri wrote his work for celebrating the fame of Vir Dhaval, the generous patron of his religion, it was natural for him to be partial to his hero. The very fight is alluded to in the Chirwa stone inscription [4] which says that in the war with the Sultan when Nagda was destroyed, Talarkash Yog Raj’s eldest son Pam Raj was killed in a battle which took place at ‘Bhutala’ (or Untala) a village near Nagda. This makes us almost certain that after some preliminary reverses Jaitra Singh encountered the Sultan’s forces and offered such a tough fight that the enemy at last gave way and was put to flight. The Chirwa and Ghaghsa inscriptions say that ‘even the Sultan could not humble him’ (Jaitrasingh) and the Abu stone inscription adds that he was the sage Agastya got the ocean like armies of the Turaskas. [5]
It remains to consider as to who this Sultan was and what could be the probable date of this conflict. Our authorities do not give his name. The Chirwa epigraph calls him ‘Surtarana’ and the ‘Hammir-Mad-Mardana’ refers to him as ‘Milacchhikara’. This second designation may give us a clue to his name. Dr. Ojha [6] thinks that the term ‘Milacchhikara’ is a Sanskritised form of the word ‘Amir-i-shikar’ which according to the ‘Tabakat-i-Nasiri’ [7] was Iltutmish’s title and post in Qutubuddin’s days. Iltutmish, was of course a contemporary of Jaitra Singh. [8] And Vastupal, who according to ‘Hammira-mad-mardan’ played an important diplomatic part on the eve of this calamity on Gujarat, became the minister of Vir Dhaval of Dholka in 1219 A.D. [9] As the latest date for the composition of this drama could be 1229 A.D. [10] this expedition of the Muslim Sultan on Mewar must have taken place in some year between 1219 A.D. and 1229 A.D. Again an inscription of Jaitra hints that Nagda was not destroyed till the year 1222 A.D., the date of this record wherein Rawal Jaitra Singh is mentioned as ruling there, this invasion must have taken place between 1222 and 1229 A.D. It is quite probable, therefore, that Iltutmish was the ‘Milacchikara’ who carried an expedition into Mewar before 1229 A.D. The Muhammadan [12] writers while they mention his other expeditions in Rajputana ranging in dates from 1215 to 1228 A.D. do not refer to it for the obvious reason that it was not a victory, but a defeat.
It may also be pointed out that the destruction of Nagda, the then capital of Mewar, was so complete that Rawal Jaitra Singh had to abandon it forever, and since then the seat of his Government was transferred to Chitor. At the same time it should also be remembered that Iltutmish met with such a crushingdefeatatthehands of this Guhilot prince that he never again dared to invade this mountainous region during the rest of his reign. Since then the state of Mewar for its inaccessible hills and impregnable fortress was considered a hard nut to crack by most of the Turkish Sultans of Delhi.
Jaitra Singh and Jalaluddin Mangbarni of Khwarizm
Again a verse in Rawal Samar Singh’s Abu inscription [13] states that he also routed an army of Singh. It seems to refer to an incursion of the Khwarizm troops into Gujarat. Nasiruddin Qubaicha after Qutubuddin’s death was holding the province of Sindh when in 1221 A.D. the storm of Chingiz Khan’s invasion burst upon India. The Mongols under him came down from central Asia to India in pursuit of Jalaluddin Mangbarni, the Khwarizmi crown prince, but after a stay of forty days at Multan, luckily for India, he withdrew to Ghazni. Jalaluddin proceeded towards lower Sindh, defeated Qubaicha in the battle of Uchch and established his rule over Thatta or Debal, when its former ruler Jaisi (Jai Singh) of the Sumra clan fled to an island in the Indus. He demolished the temple of the place and raised mosque in their places. Having thus captured the fort of Debal, Jalaluddin in Hijri 620 (i.e. 1223 A.D.), detached a force under Khawas Khan towards Nahrwalaha, the capital of Gujarat from where he returned with immense booty. [14] It is quite probable that Khawas Khan, while marching to Gujarat from Sindh, might have avoided the more tedious and marshy routes and must have passed through Mewar dominions. But Jaitra Singh was not the man to let him pass so easily. He seems to have, therefore, attacked this army either when it was going to or returning from Anhilwara and quite probably the Abu record refers to the same event when it says that Jaitra Singh also destroyed the army of Sindh for we know for certain that during these years no other invasion on Mewar was attempted from that quarter.
Jaitra Singh’s Victories over the Neighbouring Rajput States
A doughty warrior and a great military genius as he was, Jaitra Singh was dreaded by al his adversaries. Inscriptions represent that his ambitions involved him in ceaseless conflicts with the neighbouring states. The Chirwa and Ghaghsa records of the dates of 1273 A.D. [15] and 1265 A.D. [16] respectively record that the rulers of Malwa, Gujarat, Marwar, Jangal-Desh, and even the ‘Malechcha’ Sultan could not humble him. According to Chirwa inscription Jaitra Singh appointed Talarksa Yog Raj’s fourth son Ksem as the Talarksa of Chitor. Of his two sons Ratan and Madan, the latter displayed great prowess in the battle of ‘Athurna’ when he fought for Jaitra Singh against Jaitra Malla. [17] Dr. Ojha identified this Jaitra Malla with Parmar Raja Jaitugi Deva II, son of Raja Devapal of Malwa who was also known as Jai Singh, Jaiyant or Jaitra Singh and whose known dates being 1243 and 1255, he was contemporary of Jaitra Singh of Mewar. As Athurna originally belonged to a minor breach of the Parmars from whom the Guhilots of Bagad captured it and annexed it to their dominion, it may be contended that the Malwa prince might have come to the rescue of his own clans-men and vassals at Athurna where Rawal Jaitra Singh going to the succour of the Guhilot’s of Bagad, the descendants of Rawal Samant Singh, defeated him in battle.
The same inscription in its nineteenth verse mentions that in conquering Kotra, Talarksa Yog Raj’s grandson (son of Yog Raj’s second son Mahendra) Balaka fell fighting before Jaitra Singh in the battle against Rana Tribhuvana. [18] Tribhuvana, referred to above, was Solanki Raja Bhim Dev’s successor in Gujarat whose one copper plate dated 1242-43 has been discovered to prove that he ruled for some time on the throne of Gujrat before he was set aside by Vir Dhaval, the founder of the Baghela branch of kings at Anhilwara. [19] The cause of this clash that is likely to have occurred about the year 1242 A.D. still remains unknown and we can only explain it by saying that it was probably the outcome of a prolonged conflict between the two dynasties or that Kotra which continued till this date under the Solankis was wrestled at last from their hands by Jaitra Singh who might have undertaken an expedition against the place.
Of his fights with the ruler of Marwar nothing definite is as yet known and it is difficult to ascertain who this ruler was whom Jaitra Singh vanquished and subdued. As the Parmars of Abu held sway over a large portion of the Marwar region, from where a number of their records have been recovered and whom even ‘Hammir-mad-mardan’, the drama referred to above calls as rulers of Marwar, [20] it may be inferred that during the weak rule of the successors of Dharavarsa who ruled at least till 1219 A.D., Jaitra Singh in his round of aggressive campaigns might have also subdued these parts in the immediate neighbourhood. This view is confirmed by the Patnarayan temple inscription of 1287 A.D. [21] which credits Pratap Singh, the third successor of Dharavarsa with defeating Jaitra Karan, and recovering his ancestral capital Chandravati which had passed into the possession of another dynasty. Scholars suggest that Jaitra Karan of this epigraph should be identified with Jaitra Singh of Mewar who was in his last days as contemporary of this Pratap Singh. If this identification against which no reasonable doubts exist is true we may conclude that Jaitra Singh captured Chandravati and retained possession of it for a considerable number of years till the evening of his life when his rule from there was overthrown by Pratap Singh who recovered the place from him. It is perhaps for this reason that the name of the Marwar Raja was omitted from the list of the princes defeated by Jaitra Singh, as recorded in the Ghaghsa inscription. It is significant that the writer of this inscription was also the author of the Chirwa inscription.
Jaitra Singh’s successful expedition against the Chauhans of Nadol is commemorated in contemporary inscriptions. Although, as has been shown, the writer of the Chirwa and Ghaghsa inscriptions is one and the same person, one notices the substitution in the former of Jangaldesh ruler in place of Sakambharisvara of the latter. [22] This change is suggestive of the fact that both these terms stand to refer to one and the same adversary of Jaitra Singh. The epithet ‘Sakambharisvara’ or ‘Sambhari-naresha’ was generally adopted by the Rajputs of the Chauhan clan, Sakambhari or Sambhar being their original seat in Rajputana. This makes us sure then that these words beyond all doubts refer to the Chauhan chiefs of Nadol, whom Jaitra Singh reduced to subjugation. This is doubly clear from Abu Inscription which distinctly states that by the valour of his arms Jaitra Singh uprooted the kingdom of Nadol. The Chauhans of Jalor since Kitu’s days were hostile to Guhilots and as Kitu’sgrandsonUdaiSinghwhose known records range from 1205 to 1249, united the kingdom of Nadol and Jalor under him, it is certain that Jaitra Singh his powerful rival and contemporary in Mewar invaded Nadol to seek vengeance up the former foes of his family. But the expedition seems to have ended in a compromise, for Udai Singh gave his granddaughter Rupa Devi in marriage to Jaitra Singh’s son Prince Tej Singh. [23]
The Raids on Mewar during the Reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud (c. 1246-1266)
Rawal Jaitra Singh about the close of his reign seems to have faced one or more attacks of the armies of Delhi which entered his dominions in pursuit of some rebel relations of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud, who was raised to the throne of Delhi in c. 1246 after a period of ten years of disturbance and civil wars that followed Iltutmish’s death. Before and during Nasiruddin’s reign discontent became rampant and revolts against the central authorities sprouted up. The Minister Ulugh Khan Balban, however restored order. Ferishta [24] says in A.H. 646 or 1248 A.D. Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud recalled his brother Jalaluddin from his government of Kanauj to Delhi, but the latter apprehensive of a design against his life, fled to the hills of Chitor with all his adherents. The king pursued him, but finding after eight months that he could not seize him, returned to Delhi. On this basis Dr. G.H. Ojha and other modern writers believe that Jalaluddin and his men were provided shelter by Jaitra whose capital at this time was at Chitor and that the Sultan or his minister might have come into conflict with Jaitra Singh, the Guhilot prince who repulsed the Muslim forces from his country. But Ferishta’s account is not confirmed by any other literary or epigraphic evidence and Tabaqat-i-Nasari, [25] quite a contemporary work, mentions Sirmur hills in place of Mewar or Chitor in this context. This creates doubts about Ferishta’s statement. Jalaluddin, whose main fault was that at Kanauj he once warned the Sultan against the ambitions of Balban whom he accused of secretly aiming at the throne, feared that his confidence had been destroyed and so he fled from his fief, and probably sought refuge in the Sirmur hills of the Punjab (and not of Chitor) and after a short sojourn proceeded to join the Mongols in Turkistan. [26] It is, therefore, not safe to take Ferishta’s information as true, vaguely worded as it is.
A Forgotten Fight of Rawal Jaitra Singh with the Army of Balban
We further learn from the Persian works that within four years of Jalaluddin’s revolt there arose a strong opposition to Balban’s domination headed by Imad-ud-din Rihan, ‘a eunuch converted from the Hinduism and a leader of the Indian Muslim nobility.’ He excited Maliks and poisoned the ears of the Sultan against the great minister who was consequently removed from the court in 1253 and Imad-ud-din himself was installed as ‘Vakil-i-dar’ at the capital. He then persuaded the king to transfer the fallen minister from his original fief of Hansi to that of Nagor in Rajputana.
While staying at Nagor during the period of disgrace Balban displayed great military activities and with motives either to take credit for his exploits or to devote his spoils to the improvement of his military strength, as the circumstances should dictate, he made a series of incursions into the rich territory of south eastern Rajputana. The Tabaqat-i-Nasiri [27] says that he invaded the Hindu state of ‘Bundi, attacked and defeated Nahar Deo of Ranthambhor and even proceeded to attempt once again the capture of Chitor. Rawal Jaitra Singh of Mewar though advanced in age seemed to have successfully defended his capital against the Muslim onslaught, which was more of the nature of a plundering raid than an organised invasion.
Balban’s Attack on Chitor Repulsed by Jaitra Singh
The eclipse in Balban’s fortune, however, did not continue for more than a year. Jealousy among Rihan’s own followers and the opposition of the Turkish Nobility, led to a powerful combination against the Indian convert. A formidable army of the Amirs and Maliks from all parts of the country was led by Balban in 1254 against Rihan and the Sultan under their pressure was compelled to restore Ulugh Khan to his old position. But in the very next year of his restoration one last effort was made by the Muslim governors of Oudh and Sindh to challenge the dictatorship of Balban. Qutlagh Khan of Bayana, one of his leading opponents, who though now outwardly reconciled, had secretly married the king’s mother, Rihan’s chief ally and an intriguing lady, was dismissed to Oudh, in order that he might be away so far as possible from the court. But there he was discovered to be secretly in league with Rihan, then at Bairaich. So early in c. 1256 Sultan Mahmud and Balban marched against him. As the main body of the army approached he retired and contrived to elude Balban’s pursuit and on May 1, 1256 the army returned to Delhi. Except Ferishta no other writer says anything about it. If the Sultan’s army had really destroyed the fort of Chitor, there is no reason why the more contemporary Muslim writers should have been silent about it. It again appears somewhat improbable that no Rajput chronicles should mention that alleged destruction of their fort. This much can be believed that Qutlagh Khan, formerly governor of Bayana, being well aware of the inaccessible nature of the Aravalli hills might have thought it safe to seek shelter for some days with Rawal Jaitra Singh at Chitor and the royal forces under Balban pursuing him might have made a futile attempt either to capture it or to demolish its fortifications. Jaitra Singh and his brave Rajputs, it may be presumed, proved more than a match and the Turkish army again had to return to Delhi with little or no success against this impregnable citadel. Thus after Iltutmish’s expedition into Mewar when Nagda was destroyed and Chitor became the capital of the Guhilots, Jaitra Singh had to face more than once the attacks of the Muslim forces led by the famous minister Balban. The Chirwa inscription mentions that Ratan, the eldest son of Ksem, the Talarksa of Chitor along with Bhim Singh, the Pradhan of Mewar fell fighting the enemies at the foot of Chitor hills. [29] This seems as one of these attacks undertaken by Balban in the last years of Jaitra Singh’s reign. Dr. Ojha [30] thinks, though without reasons, that this battle fo Chitor took place in the reign of Tej Singh, the son and successor of Jaitra Singh, when Gujarat’s Raja Visaldeo, Vir Dhaval’s son, attacked Mewar. But as the same inscription reports that when Ratan’s younger brother Madan attained predominance and grew to manhood Bhim Singh’s son Raj Singh was also made the ‘Pradhan’ on his father’s demise, [31] and Madan, as we have maintained on the basis of the same record, fought for Jaitra Singh in the battleofAthurnaagainstJaitra Mall, it clearly implies that the battle of Chitor in which Bhim Singh and Madan’s elder brother Ratan participated and fell fighting must have taken place prior to the battle of Athurna and can in no way be supposed to have taken place in the reign of Tej Singh, as Dr. Ojha suggests.
An Estimate of Jaitra Singh’s Achievements
The incessant military activities of Jaitra Singh against the neighbouring states of Malwa, Gujrat, Abu and Nadol and his valorous stand against the Turkish invasion from Delhi earned for him an undying fame. He was an intrepid soldier and a consummate commander who came out victorious in the various engagements allowing not an inch of his territory to pass into the alien hands. The success of his arms against Iltutmish, Balban and the neighbouring Rajas left him supreme in Western India and after the Chauhans of Ajmer, the Guhilots during his reign, were the only powerful Rajput dynasty who could preserve their own independence. His military genius and courageous spirit served as a strong bulwark against the attacking sword of Islam in southern Rajputana through which lay the routes to the rich provinces of Gujarat and the Deccan. The defeats of the imperial forces in Mewar at the hands of this warrior prince checked their rapid expansion and postponed for another fifty years the conquest of the surviving Hindu kingdoms in western India and the Deccan. But even such a powerful and resourceful ruler could not rise above the prejudices of the time and most of his military exploits were mainly dictated by the sense of self-protection and not so much by his love of aggrandisement. Proud of his own clan and content with the safety of his ancestral kingdom Jaitra Singh never sought to extend the boundaries of his own dominions by annexing fresh lands though he could defy most of the chiefs in the neighbourhood who were humbled but not extinguished. Nor did he ever aspire to attain imperial honour or status by making a bold bid for the conquest of Delhi though for such a task he was eminently fit. In fact, the dissensions of the Rajput chiefs, their local patriotism and clan-sentiments, to which Jaitra Singh was not an exception, made it more or less impossible for them to combine against the common enemies. Consequently, though Mewar could be saved, several other parts of the country easily succumbed to the attacks of Iltutmish and Balban. Outside Rajputana their expeditions were crowned with greater success and most of the Rajput clans defeated and driven out of their original seats were compelled to seek shelter in the safer and secluded regions of the desert. Thus the Rathors from Kanauj [32] and the Kachchawas from Gwalior were destined to find the principalities of Mandor and Dhundad which ultimately blossomed into the modern states of Jodhpur and Jaipur respectively. Except Mewar which remained intact defended by Jaitra Singh and his Rajputs, the very face of Rajputana on the whole suffered a change at this time.
Thus, throughout his long reign of more than forty years Jaitra Singh, though his exploits remained as yet obscure, was the most forceful personality in northern India who could defend his own dominion against the Turkish domination and accomplish its internal consolidation. It is a pity that even such a powerful prince did not use his special talents in organising a coalition of the Rajput rulers of the land for re-establishing Hindu rule over Delhi.
Notes
[1] The former date is given in the earliest epigraph of his reign and the latter is available from a Jain manuscript Paksikavritti written in his lifetime at Ahara. See Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions of Kathiawar, p. 96 and Peterson: Report on the search for Sanskrit MSS.
[2] Ed. by C.D. Dalal in Gaekwad Oriental Series. [3] Ibid., Act 1-2 and Act 3, pp. 25-33.
[4] Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. XXI, pp. 155-162.
[5] Indian Antiquary Vol. XVI.
[6] Ojha, Hist. of Raj, Vol. II, p. 467.
[7] Raverty (Tabaqat-i-Nasiri), pp. 603-604.
[8] Dr. Barnett and H.C. Ray following him, consider this identification as very improbable. They are of the opinion that the Muslim expedition referred to in this drama is one which Qutubuddin led against Gujarat in 1197 A.D. in which ‘Rai Karan’ and ‘Daravarsa’ participated. But they adduce no reason for their assertion. The chronological considerations about this event definitely expose the futility of such suggestion and support Dr. Ojha’s identification.
[9] Ojha, His. of Raj., Vol. II, p. 467, note 2.
[10] Ibid., p. 467.
[11] Nadesama stone inscription (unpublished) Ojha His. of Raj. Vol. II, p. 470, footnote 3.
[12] H. 612 (1215 A.D.). Expedition on Jalor (Ferishta: Briggs, Vol, I, p. 207); Ranthambore in 1226 A.D. (Raverty: T.N., p. 611); Mandor in 1227 (Raverty: T.N., p. 611); Siwalik (including Ajmer, Lawa and Sambhar) in 1228, (Raverty: T.N., p. 728).
[13] Ind. Anti., Vol. XVI, pp. 349-50, verse 43.
[14] Briggs Ferishta, Vol. IV, pp. 413-20; Mabel Duff., Chronology of India, pp. 179-80; Raverty: Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, p. 291, footnote.
[15] Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. XXI, pp. 155-62, verses 5, 6.
[16] Ojha, Hist. of Raj., Vol II, p. 460. The same verse is repeated in the Chirwa Inscription.
[17] Chirwa stone inscription verses 22, 23, 27, 28.
[18] Chirwa Ins. verse 19.
[19] C.V. Vaidya, Hist. of Medieval Hindu India, Vol. III, p. 207.
[20] Hamir-Mad-Mardan, p. 11.
[21] V.N. Rau, Bharat ke Prachin Raj Vamsha, Pt. 1, p. 81; Dr. Ojha has not elucidated those obscure references to Jaitra Singh’s fights with the rulers of Marwar and Jangal Desh.
[22] Ghaghsa stone Ins., Vol. VI
[23] E.I., Vol. IV, pp. 313-14.
[24] Briggs., Vol. I, p. 238.
[25] Raverty, Tabaqqat-i-Nasiri, Vol. I, p. 681.
[26] C.H.I., Vol. III, p. 67.
[27] Raverty, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Vol. I, p. 682.
[28] Briggs., Vol. p. I, p. 240. See also A.C. Banerjee, Rajput studies, p. 52. Qutlagh Khan was assisted by all the disaffected Maliks and Hindus and was joined by Izuddin Balban Kishlu Khan, Governor of Sindh. The two Maliks effected a junction of their armies near Samana and in pursuance of a conspiracy into which they had entered with some of the Amirs at the capital to oust Ulugh Khan from power, they marched towards the capital, but were unable to put into execution their nefarious project. Ishwari Prasad: Medieval India, p. 154.
[29] Chirwa stone inscription, Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. XXI, pp. 155-62.
[30] Ojha, History of Raj., Vol II, p. 472.
[31] Chirwa stone inscription verse 29.
[32] See my article on “Rastrakutas of Kanauj and their migrationtoMarwar’,(I.H.Q.,1944, June).
Published in Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol. 14 (1951): pp. 343-352.