Enlivened with a profusion of sculptural reliefs, medieval Indian temples provided sculptors with a vast canvas extending from the plinth to the superstructure. It is a well-established fact that the conceptualisation and rendition of divine imagery was based on strict iconographic conventions that were laid down in the shilpashastras. However, with regard to semi-divine and secular imagery, the artists often borrowed from literature and folklore. For instance, the mention of fertility goddesses such as the Yakshi, which later develops into the imagery of a toranasalabhanjika (a slightly bent damsel holding a branch of a tree creating the form of an arch) occurs in the Sanskrit literary texts of Ashvaghosha. The standard sculptural programme of the Orissan temple showcases a plenitude of semi-divine maidens that adorn the outer structure of the temples (the bada and the shikhara). The vast majority of the semi-divine female imagery can be categorised as figures of dvarapalikas (door guardians), naga-nagis (male and female serpent imagery) and apsaras (celestial nymphs).
Temples of Orissa were known far and wide for their prominence. Temples such as the one at Konark was a centre of sun worship whereas other temples such as that at Puri were thronged by followers of the Jagannatha cult. The Brahma Purana mentions Konark to be a site where devotees could achieve bhuktimukti which essentially meant that a pilgrimage to the holy centre would give the pilgrim both freedom from bondage and enjoyment. It was a known tantric site and this has been repeatedly mentioned in various religious texts such as the Brahma Purana and Tirthachintamani. Bhubaneshwar has been popularly mentioned as Ekamra in various ancient texts such as Nisvasatattava Samhita, Namastottarasala and Brihanila Tantra, which also refer it to be a Tantric pitha or site. Puri, although a Vaishnava site has been mentioned as Purusottama-Kshetra and a tantric and Shakta site as well. [1]
A distinct and unique style of temple architecture developed in Orissa, the beginnings of which were laid in the 7th century A.D. The style reached its culmination in the thirteenth century with the erection of massive temples such as the one at Konark. Hundreds of temples were constructed in Orissa between seventh and the thirteenth centuries, which can be categorised as a flourishing period for art and architecture in the region. The knowledge of architecture and construction of the Orissan temples was provided to the sthapatis (architects or in charges of architectural projects) through a variety of texts, such as the Shilpa Prakasha, Bhuvanapradipa, Bhuvanapravesa, Baya Chakada, Saudhikagama, and so on. The material for construction of Orissan temples was sandstone and coarse laterite.
The terms for various elements of the temple in Orissa were replaced by local vernacular terms in Orissa. The chamber of the temple in Orissa came to be known as the deul. There were three orders of temple construction in Orissa - rekha deul, pidha deul and a much rarer variety, the khakhara deul.
The rekha deul was the type with a curvilinear shikhara, the pidha deul had a tiered shikhara like a pyramidal roof and the khakhara deul, which seemed to be inspired from South Indian temple architecture had a wagon-vaulted roof. The pidha deul type shikhara was most often found on the jagamohana (the hall in front of the sanctum).
The evolution of the Orissan temple has been classified into three distinct phases by Percy Brown. The first phase consisted of temples from Bhubaneshwar from c.750-900 CE and included temples such as the Parshurameshwar and the Vaital Deul. The second phase, which was from c.900-1100 CE included temples such as Mukteshwar, Brahmeshwar and Lingaraj. The third and the final phase of temple construction was from c.1100-1250 A.D. The temples constructed under this phase were Ananta Vasudeva, Konark, Somesvara and Rajarani temple. [2]
The Orissan temple developed a distinct nomenclature of its own. The elevation of the temple was divided into four sections - the pishtha (pitha/platform), the bada (the wall - including the vedibandha, jangha and varandika), the gandi (shikhara) and the mastaka (the crowning element). The bada (wall) was divided into three registers in the early period by median bands known as bandhana. The height of the rekha deul was determined by the bhumi amalaka motifs (ribbed discs).
The wall (bada) of the temple on the exterior was further divided by projecting niches called pagas (rathas). These niches held the images of deities and in some cases images of alasa kanyas. The earliest temples had three pagas and were known to be triratha in plan. The central paga was known as raha and the corner pagas were known as kanika pagas. With the elaboration of temples, the pagas increased to five in number and the two additional pagas came to be known as anuraha pagas. The temple became pancharatha in plan. Some examples of saptaratha and navaratha plans of temples are also found in Orissa.
The hall (mandapa) in front of the sanctum, jagamohana was an optional feature in Orissan temples, and many temples despite later dates display no jagamohana. Although in the 12th century, two uniquely regional elements - the nata mandira (dance hall) and the bhoga mandapa (hall of offerings) were added to the temple. The interiors of the Orissan temples were plain and simple and often lacked a path for circumambulation (pradakshina path). [3]
The Orissan temples have some distinctive features in their decorative programme and as such are very well known for the profusion of decoration on them. Images of dikapalas (guardians of the eight cardinal directions), mithunas (amorous couples), alasa kanyas (indolent maidens) along with images of deities were popularly depicted on the temples.
Dvarapalikas
“Wearing colourful garments, divinely beautiful, appearing intoxicated like an elephant (in rut), always drunk with love, (seated) at the centre of an aureole of light,
with a noose of lotus flowers, making the auspicious yoni-mudra, the bow on her left side and on the right a kimsuka bud,
the Devi holds a garland of fragrant flowers and bestows boons and fearlessness, she is afflicted with five sharp love arrows of Ananga (Kamadeva)” (II.530-532) [4]
Female imagery on temple walls is closely linked to the divine female worship. It pays reverence to the cult of Devi, and is often seen to be personifying different aspects of the goddess. The yogini cult of Devi worship which was strongly rooted in tantrism gained great currency in Orissa during the early medieval period. The Chausanth Yogini Temple at Hirapur and at Ranipur-Jharial were important sites for the practitioners of the yogini cult. The temples shaped in the form of yoni (vulva) house the sixty-four emanations of the great goddess - Devi. Vidya Dehejia has identified many meanings of the word yogini, which range from a female devotee, sorceress or a witch, fairy, attendant(s) of Durga, and Durga herself in her many forms. She conjectures that yoginis can be seen in different contexts such as one who is adept in yoga, a practitioner of tantric practice of chakra puja, including a partner in copulation, a sorceress, an essential part of the Sri Chakra, as the goddess herself, an attendant deity, and so on. [5]
The aspect of the yogini that concerns semi-divine female imagery is that of the attendant deities of the great goddess. Like ganas (followers) of Shiva, the yoginis are the attendants of Devi. Such figures are often seen with halos and attendant figures of their own, indicating a relatively high status. The textual reference to yoginis as attendants can be found in texts such as the Kali Tantra. The Kali Tantra mentions thousands of yoginis attending upon the Goddess Kali. In a similar vein, yoginis are referred to as attendants and servants to the goddess in the Mahabhagvata Purana. In the Kalika Purana yoginis are seen as companions of the Devi, thus elevating their status. [6]
The visual representation of the idea of yoginis as attendants to the goddess in the temples of Orissa is limited, yet vibrant. The attendants of deities often serve as door guardians or dvarapalas, and are visualised on the door jambs of the temples. These door guardians on most shrines are often male, but in certain cases, for example in Shakta shrines, they can be female too. One such example is found at the Madhukesvara Temple in Orissa where door guardians at all entrances to the temple except the entrance to the jagamohana, and on one of the subsidiary shrines are female (dvarapalikas). Thomas Donaldson believes that the dual affiliation of the shrine to Shakta and tantric cults is the reason for such a strong female presence in the temple. Other temples in Orissa, such as the Mukhalingam and Khiching temples also include dvarapalikas in their sculptural programme.
Naga-Nagi Stambhas
The decorative programme of the temples of Orissa has several images of serpents adorning the exteriors and the interiors as well. These images are most often carved on pillars and are therefore known as the naga stambhas. The ancestry of the naga image and serpent worship goes back to the ancient period in Orissa. The naga image was considered to have an apotropaic function, and as such the image was often used to decorate door jambs. At Khandagiri, naga stambhas are found in Cave 3, which can be dated to c. 50 B.C. The images of naga-nagi carved in a human form with a serpent hood are dated to the 2nd-3rd century A.D. The early images were depicted as standing erect, while in later images, the naga-nagi were shown seated, and often had a vase or a pot (kalasha) in their hands. The earliest example of the naga-nagi stambha images in Orissa have been identified at the Kosalesvara Temple by Donaldson. These images were often placed on the paga (projecting niches on the outer wall) of the temples in the early period of temple development. With the evolution in temple decoration, the naga-nagi stambhas were replaced by images of alasa kanyas or indolent maidens from the eleventh century onwards.
The apotropaic function of the naga-nagi stambha meant that these were erected to ward off evil and to protect the temple. They were known to be ‘friendly spirits’ and ‘guardians of earthly treasures.’ Donaldson quotes from the Shilpashastras in his work, “It is imagined that a great naga lies encircling every building site and moves in a clockwise direction, its head lying at the eastern point of the compass in the middle of the month of Ashwina, yearly returning to the same point. It is therefore possible to determine, on any date, where the different limbs of the naga will lie along the boundary of the site.” Donaldson believed that owing to the mythology surrounding the naga imagery coupled with their function to ward off evil, the naga stambhas became an important part of early Orissan temple architecture. [7] A type of a nagabandha (row of serpant imagery) is described by Ramachandra Mahapatra Kaula Bhattaraka in the Shilpa Prakasha, a text on Orissan temple architecture from c. eleventh century A.D. In Bhubaneshwar, a beautiful nagi stambha flanks the doorway of the Rajarani temple. In other temples, such as in Konark, naga-nagi motifs are seen carved profusely on the lower bada (outer wall) of the temple.
Apsaras
Of the various women represented extensively in literature and art, the apsara is perhaps the most intriguing. Simply understood, apsaras are celestial damsels. They are referred to as heaven dwelling beauties who have such unmatched beauty, that they could not but have a celestial connection. [8]
The apsaras are accorded the status of semi-divine being by different scholars such as Kanwar Lal and Rekha Rao. Donaldson while writing about apsaras does point to their semi-divine origin, but then contradicts himself when he establishes that in Orissan art, the apsara and the sursundari are personified as alasa kanyas. Alasa kanyas often described by scholars as the personification of the earthly nayikas have firmly established themselves as being non-divine and thus, of a secular nature. The confusion arises as in some temples such as those in Khajuraho and Belur, women in the act of toilette, for instance the damsel caring for her tresses or the one looking in the mirror, are described as apsaras. Women in similar poses in Orissan temples are referred to as alasa kanyas. Bhattaraka, the author of the Shilpa Prakasha refers to the imagery of the alasa kanyas as naribandha (row of women), and then proceeds to describe the sixteen types of alasa kanyas, all of which can be identified in the rich decorative programmes of the temples of Orissa. The figures are expressed as different moods of a woman, and there is no mention of them having either a divine or celestial status. They are simply considered as elements forming an integral part of the decorative programme of a temple. Due to the difference in the identification of these images from different parts of the country, it is difficult to ascertain whether the imagery of women is that of the semi-divine apsaras or the secular alasa kanyas.
Rekha Rao points that the apsaras have had varied expression and representation in art and literature at different time periods. They could be depicted in water as water nymphs, courtesans in Indra’s heaven, dancers or as a gandharva stri or wife of a gandharva (celestial musician). [9]
In the case of Orissa, the temple of Konark is filled with the imagery of dancers and musicians. An overlapping representation of an image as an apsara and an alasa kanya is that of a dancer. The dancer or nartaki is described as one of the sixteen alasa kanyas in the Shilpa Prakasha. These youthful dancers adorn the entire temples, but are most visible on the walls of the natamandira or the dance hall. The devadasi institution had been established in Orissa by the eleventh century A.D. and it prescribed women to be in service of the deity. These women performed their dance for the presiding deity of the temple, but as the institution developed these dancers were believed to have become the consorts of the deity through their service, thus elevating their status. [10] The natamandira was meant for dance performances by these women. Since this was a purely ritualistic institution, the images at the natamandira which was the stage for such rituals was perhaps not of celestial apsaras. They simply were either alasa kanyas or secular images of devadasis celebrating the dance form.
The musicians depicted on temples, such as those seen at Konark go beyond the specified types in the Shilpa Prakasha, such as the drummer or the mardala, who was also recognised as one of the sixteen alasa kanyas. Certain musicians, beautifully carved and larger in size are placed on the upper portion of the temple mandapa (hall). They may signify gandharva stris or celestial musicians. These celestial women are shown playing various musical instruments such as the cymbals, the flute, the vina (Indian string instrument) etc. The size of the figures is huge in proportion to the size of the figures on the natamandira, which are miniscule. The celestial women are relatively more important, which is apparent from their position atop the mandapa (hall) of the main building of the temple. The figures of the gandharva stris are magnificent in their stature and are imbued with a visually royal character.
In literature, the divine connection of music to celestial ladies is described through the description of the beautiful consorts of Ravana in the Ramayana. These women were so enchanted by music that even sleep could not separate them from their music.
“The slender waisted wives of the sovereign of the rakshasas, overcome with languor, consequent on drink and amorous encounter, were fast asleep at the very place where they were seated. And another transcendentally beautiful damsel, possessed of lovely limbs and skilled in dance, was fast asleep, betraying comely movements during sleep.
Another was asleep embracing a vina, like a lotus with spreading petals, resting by the side of a raft.
And another dark-eyed woman was asleep with her madduka on her lap, like a loving mother having a baby.
Another damsel possessed of graceful limbs, and shapely bust was lying down, hugging her kettledrum, like a woman embracing her lover met after a long time.
And one lotus eyed female was asleep embracing her vina like an amorous damsel hugging her fair paramour.
And another girl restrained self, given to dancing, had come under the sway of sleep embracing her vipanchi like a female sleeping with her lover.
And another having inebriate eyes was fast asleep, embracing her mridanga with her charming plump and tender limbs like gold in texture.
Another female of faultless features, endowed with slender frame, having been overcome by lassitude consequent on drink, was asleep on her panava on the ends of her lower garment held fast with hands.
Another woman was asleep soundly embracing her dindima with another bound at back, like a female taking both her lover and her child.” [11]
Conclusion
The typology of the semi-divine can at times fall outside the structural fold of Hinduism. The imagery of women on the temples serves the intent of ornamentation and purpose, such as those of guardians and companions. The requisite nature of such imagery in the decoration programme is clarified in the Shilpa Prakasha,
“As a house without a wife, as playful enjoyment without a woman. (I.392)
So without (the figure of) women art will be deficient and bear no fruit. Gandharvas, Yakshas, Rakshasas, Pannagas (nagas) and Kinnaras, (I. 393)
become enchanted on seeing the graceful postures of women. Woman is most beautiful, when adorned with all ornaments. (I.394)” [12]
The evolution of the female imagery was complementary to the literature on temple architecture. Regional texts such as the Shilpa Prakasha documented not only the types of the figures that adorned the temple walls but also the proportion of the sizes and the geometric diagrams (yantras) that the images would be based on. Female imagery can be seen in temples across the subcontinent, but in certain regions such as Orissa where tantrism and Shaktism gained popularity, the images were especially abundant. The profusion of such imagery makes it difficult to discern whether the images are semi-divine or secular, and whether their function extended beyond decoration. In certain examples, such as the dwarapalikas, the naga-nagi stambhas and apsaras, we can be sure that the images are of celestial beings and not of earthly mortals, making them semi-divine in nature.
Notes:
[1] Desai, Devangana. 1985. Erotic Sculpture of India. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 133-135.
[2] Mathur, Dr Vijay Kumar. 2001. “Introduction.” In Orissan Temple Architecture, by N.K. Bose, xiii-xxiii. New Delhi: Bhartiya Kala Prakashan, ix.
[3] Donaldson, Thomas. 1986. Hindu Temple Art of Orissa. Vol. II. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 8.
[4] Bhattaraka, Ramacandra Mahapatrakaula. Silpa Prakasa. Translated by Alice Boner and Sadashiva Rath Sharma. Edited by Bettina Baumer, Rajendra Prasada Das and Sadananda Das. New Delhi: Indra Gandhi National Centre for the Arts; Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd, 2005, 313.
[5] Dehejia, Vidya. 1986. Yogini Cult and Temples. New Delhi: National Museum, 1-25.
[6] Dehejia, Vidya. 1986. Yogini Cult and Temples. New Delhi: National Museum, 25-27.
[7] Donaldson, Thomas. 1986. Hindu Temple Art of Orissa. Vol. II. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 9-13.
[8] 1987. Kamadeva's Pleasure Garden: Orissa. Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 249.
[9] Rao, Rekha. 2009. Apsaras in Hoysala Art. New Delhi: Aryan Books International, 5.
[10] Donaldson, Thomas. 1986. “Erotic Rituals on Orissan Temples.” East & West 36 (1/3), 329.
[11] Varadpande, ML. 2006. Woman in Indian Sculpture. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 76-78.
[12] Bhattaraka, Ramacandra Mahapatrakaula. Silpa Prakasa. Translated by Alice Boner and Sadashiva Rath Sharma. Edited by Bettina Baumer, Rajendra Prasada Das and Sadananda Das. New Delhi: Indra Gandhi National Centre for the Arts; Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd, 2005, 149.